A Wall Street Journal editorial [link for on-line subscribers only] sums up the Venezuelan referendum as well as anything that I’ve seen:
On referendum day, there was no open audit at the polling stations to reconcile the paper ballots to the electronic voting machines, as the opposition requested, because Mr. Chavez would not allow it. There was also no closed-door audit with all of the National Electoral Council members present because the Chavez-controlled Council did not allow it. There was no inspection of the electronic voting machines immediately after the vote because Mr. Chavez would not allow it. And there was no impartial impounding of the election data – paper or digital – because . . . you get the idea.
We also know that Mr. Chavez sharply limited the number of international observers allowed into the country, something that hasn’t been done (outside of Cuba) in Latin America since Manual Noriega used it as a way to steal elections in Panama in 1989. The European Union refused to send observers because Mr. Chavez so severely limited the size of the team and its ability to move about.
That didn’t stop Jimmy Carter from bringing an inspection team – sharply reduced in size per Mr. Chavez’s demands – and the former U.S. President has played a crucial role in blessing the results, as he wrote in a letter to us on Tuesday. So it’s worth noting the reasons that Mr. Carter cites for his conclusions, as he recorded in his trip report on his Web site.
“We heard a litany of catastrophic predictions about cheating, intimidation, and actual violence planned by the government for election day,” Mr. Carter writes. Yet he saw no cause for concern because “We reported on the assurances we had received from CNE and the military, which answered most of their concerns.” He finally signed off on the outcome after he said he was invited “to witness the disclosure of the first electronic tabulation.” Mr. Carter’s logic seems to be that he could judge the election to be fair more or less because Mr. Chavez’s military and election council told him it was fair.
The Journal is unhappy that the State Department issued a rather perfunctory statement accepting the validity of the official results. But what else could it do? We aren’t about to send in the Marines to rerun a fishy foreign election, and Mr. Carter has ensured that nobody will ever be able to prove fraud beyond a reasonable doubt. After President Chavez cements the dictatorship that he openly promises, it’s possible that present day regime loyalists will break with him and reveal the ways and means of the deception, but State has to act here and now, choosing the least bad among the available unpalatable options. I don’t blame it for its choice, but I will blame any public official who ever trusts James Earl Carter again.
Past Commentary (in chronological order):
Today’s Battle in the War on Terror
A Venezuelan Lesson for Would-Be Dictators
More from Venezuela
Venezuela: A Crack in the Dam of Indifference
Covering for Chavez
Venezuelan Probabilities
Venezuelan Improbabilities
The Wimp’s Venezuela Mush
Further Reading: Steven F. Hayward, “The Carter-Chavez Connection”
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